By Djamila le Pair

Shortly before ten o'clock, Wörmer and Miseré arrive and Fuellmich is brought into the courtroom in handcuffs. A typewritten file balances on his forearms, which he clumsily slides onto his table, after which an officer removes his handcuffs. The eighteenth hearing begins.

Criminal trial in brief
The criminal trial against Fuellmich concerns two charges: the use of €200,000 and €500,000 from the Corona Ausschuss donation income for private purposes. Initially, a female public prosecutor ruled that there was no case for criminal proceedings. If there was any wrongdoing, it fell under civil law. As a result, ‘Staatsanwalt’ John (pronounced Joon) was transferred from Hanover to Göttingen and has been leading the criminal prosecution ever since.

The trial began on 2nd February this year, almost four months after Fuellmich, without an international or Mexican arrest warrant or extradition request, was flown from Mexico to Germany in a trap organised by the German government and placed in pre-trial detention.

Corona Ausschuss 1
The lawyer, who is certified in Germany and the United States, became internationally known through the Corona Ausschuss Foundation, which he founded in July 2020 together with three other lawyers — Dr. Justus Hoffmann, Antonia Fischer and Viviane Fischer. Physician and former politician Dr. Wolfgang Wodarg and legal scholar Prof. Dr. Martin Schwab served in an advisory capacity.

Through live broadcasts of discussions with scientists and other experts who were critical of the propagated coronavirus narrative, the Corona Committee made a wealth of new perspectives and knowledge available to the public. The broadcasts quickly attracted hundreds of thousands of viewers from all over the world, and a flood of emails, phone calls and donations poured in.

The success took the four by surprise. The originally planned eight broadcasts became more. Many more, because while investigating the coronavirus crisis, they came across related topics such as mind control, recent and distant (pandemic) history, and monetary systems.

Justus Hoffmann and Antonia Fischer soon reduced their participation. They claimed to have a different vision and no time to contribute organisationally, and in 2021, Reiner Fuellmich and Viviane Fischer split from them for good.

Threat of ‘defunding’
The pair continued as a renewed Corona Ausschuss, but friction between them also increased. Financial management became an increasingly significant problem for Viviane Fischer, while Fuellmich was annoyed by his colleague's chaotic organisational methods, as became apparent during the trial.

Twice, Viviane had the gold deposited elsewhere. The signatures of both lawyers are required to cash it in. She informs Fuellmich that only limited donations are coming in and that there is a liquidity problem.

Fuellmich — who said during the hearing on 12th July that he now doubted that few donations were coming in and asked the judge to admit the bank statements as evidence (he did not have access to the account) — suggested selling the gold, but Viviane did not want to.

According to his own statements, Fuellmich, fed up with the chaos, has been working from the United States since March 2022, against Fischer's wishes, where he is participating in a Crimes Against Humanity Tour and setting up a task force of the same name.

Antonia Fischer and Justus Hoffmann, who probably learned about the loans and the gold through Viviane Fischer, are now demanding their share. Behind the scenes, attempts are being made to reach a solution. From 24 June 2022, Fuellmich is physically present at the broadcasts again.

The Break
On 1 September 2022, Viviane Fischer informed Fuellmich that the next day's broadcast, 2nd September, cannot go ahead due to the impending fatherhood of a production employee. Fuellmich suggests postponing the broadcast by one week.

However, on 2nd September, the weekly Corona Ausschuss (‘Law & Justice’) did take place. It began with Viviane announcing that there were ‘irregularities that awaited a constructive solution’ from Fuellmich and that he would not be appearing on the broadcasts for the time being. ‘No words, but deeds,’ she adds. However, she said she was optimistic because she expected that everything that happened would ultimately be for the best. From that day on, without being informed, Fuellmich lost all access to the Corona Ausschuss, including electronic access.

The indictment
On the same day, 2nd September, Antonia Fischer, Justus Hoffman and lawyer Marcel Templin filed a 30-page indictment against Fuellmich with the Göttingen Public Prosecutor's Office. The question of why Templin co-signed the indictment and claimed a share of the Corona Ausschuss donation funds was again put to the judges by defence counsel Wörmer during the last two days of the trial.

Based on the wording, Wörmer suspects that the indictment was drafted in collaboration with the German Public Prosecutor's Office. During the witness hearings, but also on the basis of the documents, it emerged that the three lawyers communicated intensively with Public Prosecutor John. Contrary to the rules, no notes were taken of the telephone conversations. Antonia Fischer testified on 3rd April 2024 that the prosecutors had never actually been interested in reconciliation: ‘We just wanted to put you in prison.’

Damaging mess
The public expulsion and accusation of Reiner Fuellmich caused quite a stir. The consternation was particularly great within the new political party, Die Basis. Fuellmich, who had joined the party in 2021 together with Viviane Fischer, Martin Schwab and Wolfgang Wodarg, had stood as a candidate for Saxony-Anhalt in the upcoming elections on 9th October 2022.

During a large online meeting of Die Basis on 20th September, Viviane Fischer was reminded that if there were financial irregularities at the Corona Ausschuss, she was partly responsible, as she had always signed the notary's reports for approval. Both she and Fuellmich were asked to resolve the conflict internally and not publicly in order not to cause further damage to Die Basis during the election campaign.

That promise did not hold. The next day, during an online question and answer session that Fuellmich had with Bittel TV (and where the conflict was not discussed), Viviane published a video statement in which she informed viewers about the €700,000 loan to Reiner (but now labelled it an inaccessible liquidity reserve). She did not mention her own loan of €100,000. She also spoke of the precarious financial situation in which Corona Ausschuss allegedly found itself because Fuellmich was unable to repay the loan immediately, as the money was tied up in his house. The fact that there was more than €1 million in gold available for immediate redemption (the value had risen in two years) was not shared with viewers.

Roger Bittel, from Bittel TV, asked Reiner to respond on camera. Fuellmich, in his anger over the betrayal and the breaking of the promise to Die Basis, responded in a less than courteous manner.

Templin
Fuellmich's house was sold in October 2022. Fuellmich had returned to the United States. The transfer of the sale proceeds took an unusually long time. Of the €1.3 million sale price, he ultimately received approximately €140,000. The remainder, €1,158,250, appeared to have been transferred to Marcel Templin's account.

During his interrogation earlier this year, the notary admitted that he had not checked whether Templin's creditor's right registered in the land registry was still valid. When asked why the notary had not transferred just €600 to Templin (the amount of the overdue loan), the answer was that Templin had charged 15% interest per annum and that some additional costs had been incurred. Justus Hoffmann, Antonia Fischer and Viviane Fischer have not filed a complaint against Templin. The court has so far refused to hear Templin as a witness.

With the €700,000 not paid to Fuellmich or to Corona Ausschuss, Fuellmich's debt remains outstanding. But even aside from that debt, the damage is considerable. Members of Die Basis became divided or left; the party achieved a fraction of its initially expected success in the elections. The number of Corona Ausschuss viewers plummeted and Fuellmich's name was tarnished internationally, his network damaged.

ICIC.LAW
However, Fuellmich was not yet out of the game. From the United States, he threw himself back into discussions on topics unwelcome to the authorities, such as the role of the Rothschilds, eugenics and child abuse, which he broadcast via his new platform, ICIC.LAW.

Fuellmich travelled to the United Kingdom in early 2023 for a conversation with Barry Trower on ‘5G and microwaves as weapons’. He returned to Germany for a few days, after which he travelled to Peru with his wife Inka for a short holiday. Fuellmich was then going to travel on to his ranch in California and Inka was going to visit various friends in Mexico. During the transfer in Mexico City, it emerged that Fuellmich was not allowed to enter the United States. His visa had been marked as expired, even though it was still valid for a few months. The lawyer decided to accompany his wife on her trip to visit friends.

Arrest warrant
On 15th March 2023, Germany issued a national arrest warrant against Fuellmich. A European warrant followed in May of that year. In the meantime, Justus Hoffmann and Antonia Fischer corresponded with Fuellmich ‘to find solutions’. During the trial, it emerged that Antonia Fischer forwarded all correspondence to Public Prosecutor John, so that he remained informed of the couple's whereabouts.

Trap
In the autumn of 2023, the Fuellmich couple's passports suddenly disappear. They call the German consulate in Tijuana and are advised to apply for new passports and visas. When the identity documents reappear the next day and Fuellmich calls the consulate to withdraw the application for new passports, he is advised against doing so. The consul suggests meeting them at Tijuana airport on 12th October 2023 so that they can sign the documents in person. He will then finalise the applications. Fuellmich does not trust this, but his wife, afraid that their current passports could be confiscated at a border somewhere, persuades him to go.

At the airport in Tijuana, it is not the consul who is waiting, but four Mexican military police officers and two immigration officials. Armed with a photo of Fuellmich, they walk towards him as he exits the gate. The couple's luggage is confiscated. Inka has to spend one night in a cell in Tijuana; Fuellmich is flown to Mexico City. There he is asked to sign Spanish-language deportation documents. No interpreter is present.

From there, the journey continues to New Mexico, in the United States, where a Lufthansa plane is waiting to take him to Frankfurt. Fuellmich is accompanied by two Mexican officials throughout the entire journey. When he asks the English-speaking escort who is paying for this expensive operation, including the return tickets for the Mexicans, the answer is: the German government.

Imprisoned
Once in Frankfurt, the lawyer is arrested. On 13th October 2023, in the presence of his two German lawyers, he is read the reasons for his arrest, after which he is remanded in custody in Rosdorf prison. He is still being held there.

The decision to actually proceed with criminal prosecution is not made until 17 November 2023, more than a year after the charges were filed. It also takes Fuellmich and his defence team a great deal of effort to find out what the thick indictment file contains.

Legal silence surrounding political abduction
Fuellmich's abduction is a legal and diplomatic low point and deserves urgent attention from top international lawyers, according to German lawyer Dagmar Schön. (Schön represented Fuellmich upon his arrival in Frankfurt.) There was no international arrest warrant for Fuellmich, nor had Mexico issued an arrest warrant, and Germany had not initiated extradition proceedings. A ‘code red’ had been issued, but that does not justify arrest. Even if Mexico had objected to the fact that the passports might have been invalid while new ones were being applied for, that would still not have been a reason to deport Fuellmich alone. They should also have deported his wife, as she would have committed the same ‘offence’. All in all, none of the international conditions for return have been met, Katja Wörmer argued on 10 July.

Nor has the right of suspects in Germany to be heard by the Public Prosecutor's Office before prosecution is brought been respected. The reason given for denying this right was that Justus Hoffmann felt threatened by Fuellmich. Fuellmich allegedly made anti-Semitic statements.

During his witness examination, Hoffmann stated that this threat consisted of Fuellmich's desire (and action) to split from Hoffmann and Antonia Fischer. He also allegedly said on occasion that he would ‘get his Winchester out of the closet,’ although it was known that Fuellmich did not own any weapons. When asked if he had ever felt physically threatened, Hoffmann replied in the negative.

Secret Services
A file, which Miseré was sent in confidence earlier during the trial, shows that in 2021, the secret services were instructed to find or create grounds for initiating criminal proceedings to permanently eliminate Fuellmich from politics. (Since that file was made public, a second public prosecutor, Mr Rächer, has been assigned to Mr John.)

Miseré also said that he himself had been threatened — he was sent photos of his daughter. He was also told that Judge Schindler had received a ‘visit from two people’.

During the hearing on 10th July, Miseré added that he now also has evidence that the secret services have been keeping a file on him since 2018. None of his clients are named in it, except Fuellmich. Wörmer added that a file also appears to exist on her.

Calls and rejections
When Pohl first appeared just before the lunch break, he had missed that both Wörmer and Fuellmich had objected to his assignment. (He was present again on 12th July.) He was also absent at the opening of Judge Schindler's hearing, where virtually all of the defence's requests for investigation from the previous hearing were rejected. Schindler did admit, however, that the transfer of more than €1 million to Templin from the sale of Fuellmich's house appeared to be unlawful.

Wörmer and Fuellmich spent the rest of both trial days fearlessly submitting a new, long list of witness and evidence requests.

From obscurity to liquidity reserves
The case now seems to be focusing on the question: were the loans to Fuellmich and Viviane Fischer intended to secure money against seizure or the blocking of accounts by banks, or were they intended as liquidity reserves?

The latter is argued by Viviane Fischer and, according to the judges, is confirmed by the correspondence between her and Fuellmich submitted by the German Public Prosecutor's Office. Fuellmich, on the other hand, claims that the loans, which had a term of one year, were intended to secure the money. There was never any question of liquidity reserves; there is no mention of this in the written agreements signed by V. Fischer and him, according to the lawyer. The judges have dismissed the loan agreements as sham contracts for the time being.

Conclusion
Fuellmich concluded the nineteenth day of the trial with a request for his release: ‘There is no criminal offence, I cannot flee because my passport has been taken away from me and, moreover, I want to conclude this case without a criminal record.’ He adds that if this trial is intended to silence him, it is backfiring. It only makes him more determined to continue speaking out: ‘The jailers are now regretting their actions.’

Note by the Editor
In view of the fact that other opposition figures had had access to their bank accounts frozen, Füllmich and Viviane bought for one million euro gold, kept at a secret location, to hide this reserve from the authorities. This was also the reason for the personal loans.